Access Facts
The
grandparent access facts article came about in 1999 when my group in Oshawa
was approached by Judy Atkinsons who wanted to cover our issues as part of
her university course. Judy got a A on this! (See Access
Benefits Children for a continuation of this report.)
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Few studies have examined the consequences of divorce in
the middle generation on the grandparents role. Grandparent roles
are as diverse as the circumstances of their extended families (Matthews
& Sprey, 1984).
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Grandparents often become a familys first reserves
in times of crisis. Grandparents act as fun playmates for children, role
models, and family historians, mentors, and help establish self-esteem and
security for children (Blau, 1984; Kornhaber & Woodward,
1981).
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Contemporary society has witnessed the evolution of the
family from an extended family unit to the nuclear or modern family unit.
It has been proposed that this nuclear family structure poses a barrier
which isolates extended kin such as grandparents and enables kinship relationships
to be regulated by personal preference and mutual interest (Leahy-Johnson
and Barer, 1987).
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Since the 1970s the divorcing family has been the subject
of research, legal reforms, and media attention, the recipient of specialized
services and the source of concern regarding the death of the family. The
nuclear family has been the focus of this attention, with little effects
of divorce on the extended family (Brown, 1982; Duffy, 1982).
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One potential aspect of the divorcee is the disruption or
severance of the grandparents-grandchild relationship (Myers
& Perrin, 1993).
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Due to the increase in the life expectancy, most children
have living grandparents. Coupled with the fact that more than 60% of divorced
couples have at least one minor child, the potential for severed contact
could be quite substantial (Spanier & Glick, 1981; as
cited by Matthews & Sprey, 1984).
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A study of divorce families in Alberta found that 54.2 %
of extended family members reported difficulties in visiting and maintaining
contact with their grandchildren, nieces and nephews (Andreiuk,
1994).
- In examining post divorce kinship interactions, Spicer & Hampe (1995) concluded that being female and/or having custody was associated with a high level of interaction with blood relatives.
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The gender of the parent may be less important than the
awarding of custody, however, the two factors are closely related since
it is customary for mothers to be awarded custody, particularly of minor
children (Matthews & Sprey, 1984).
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Social relations with paternal kin were found to decease
for the children of divorce, particularly in the case of an absent father.
Findings suggest that the adult child serves as a pivotal link between grandchildren
and grandparent (Anspach, 1976).
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Child access for the third parties is covered under the
federal Divorce Act and provincial assess legislation. Access may be awarded
if it is shown to be in the childs best interest. Only Quebec, Alberta
and B.C. have access legislation that presumes contact with grandparents
is in the childs best interest. This places the responsibility with
parents to show serious cause why access would not be in the childs
best interest. Other provinces place responsibility onto the grandparents
to prove that denied access will actually harm a child (Andreiuk,
1994).
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All but three states in the U.S. have laws permitting grandparents
to petition for visitation upon death or divorce of adult. This assures
the grandparent the right to be heard in court, but it still remains for
the court to decide if it is in the childs best interest to visit
with the grandparent (Derdeyn, 1985).
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Grandparent visitation legislation has risen quite differently
from other domestic relation laws, which generally follows social change.
The changes in grandparents visitation legislation is seen as the product
of intense political activity by todays older citizens who are greater
in number, healthier and more politically conscious and powerful than in
the past (Derdeyn, 1985; Thompson et al, 1989).
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In view of controversies surrounding the legal involvement
in grandparent access, (Derdeyn, 1985) it would seem
necessary to evaluate the success or failure of court ordered access arrangements,
in order to facilitate court decisions regarding a grandparent-grandchild
visitation.
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A 1995 study by Kruk, found paternal grandparents more likely
to be at risk for denied access in a divorce situation when the mother is
the custodial parent. Maternal grandparents seem to be more at risk for
denied access in a non divorce situation, where conflict is likely to be
between grandparents and both adult child and the partner. Again reflective
of past findings, the son was divorced and the non-custodial parent, while
the daughter was married, custodial parent.
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While each of the stories of denied access was unique, certain
patterns emerged. In every separation or divorce circumstance, denied access
to grandchildren was initiated by an ex-daughter-in-law. 100% of these cases
involved paternal grandparents whose son did not have custody of his children.
In many cases, the son is denied access as well during a similar period
of time or was disengaged from the grandchildren' lives. (Atkinsons
1999)
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This preponderance of access difficulties by paternal grandparents
is noted in the literature and seen as a reflection of divorce rate and
court awarded maternal custody of children (Ahrons &
Bowman, 1982; Anspach, 1976; Furstenburg, 1981; Kalish & Visher, 1982;
Leahy & Barer, 1987; Spicer & Hampe, 1975).
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Grandparents who feel that the stated intent to pursue the
matter in court if necessary, was the main factor in the resolution of the
problem. The data lends support to Gladstones (1989) suggestion that
grandparents are not necessarily powerless, and in fact may be able to renegotiate
contact.
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Despite an initial stage of tension between adult child
and grandparent, things quickly settled into an arrangement not unlike the
pre-existing the denied access. All reported friendly relations with the
ex-child-in-law and the ability to see their grandchildren whenever they
want, not only during assigned access times. These grandparents are now
called upon to baby-sit, attend family functions such as birthday parties
and sports events and can even take the grandchildren for weekends and vacations.
Flexibility, communication and putting the best interests of the child ahead
of hurt feelings were all cited as reasons for the diminished tension and
increasingly co-operative arrangements that all had experienced since being
awarded court ordered access. (Atkinsons 1999)
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Access problems follow divorce, separation, or death of
an adult child as well as conflict with the adult child or child-in-law
in intact families. A substantial number of grandparents are able to restore
contact using a variety of mediation strategies as well as the legal system.
Those grandparents who have used these resources reported more positive
outcomes than those who did not. (Atkinsons1999)
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The process of divorce requires major reorganization, resulting
in a variety of new, complex family networks. Diverse kinship alternatives
exist following divorce and remarriage, with few rules on which relatives
are to be included and excluded. As a result of the divorce experience,
these altered kinship's systems vary from a very expansive system to a contracted
and one-sided system, resulting in many implications for the family (Ahrons
& Bowman, 1982; Johnson & Barer, 1987).
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It is important to note that the custodial status is the
main factor related to contact loss in separation and divorce cases. Grandparents
of the custodial parent enjoy increased involvement with grandchildren,
while grandparents of the non-custodial parent are at risk of diminished
or denied contact. Present data supports the literature findings that most
divorced fathers become non-custodial parents and many lose contact with
their children (Kruk, 1995; Matthews & Sprey, 1984; Spicer
&Hampe, 1975).
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In a 1975 study, Robertson suggests that the most significant
aspect of the bond between a grandparent and grandchildren is the fact that
this tie is not direct, but mediated by the grandchilds parents.
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As long as mothers continue to be awarded sole custody of
the children, the maternal grandparents will enjoy a closer relationship
with grandchildren while the paternal grandparents will continue to be at
risk for diminished or denied access (Myers & Perrin,
1993).
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In Canada, the issue of grandparents rights of access
to grandchildren has not been given recognition in legislation, with the
exception of the provinces of Quebec, Alberta and B.C. In all other provinces,
grandparents may only petition the courts for rights of access as interested
third parties. In the absence of a specific statue providing grandparents
with legal standing to access, there are continuing difficulties in obtaining
contact with grandchildren (Kruk, 1995).
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The existence of grandparent rights statues in the United
States has effectively reduced the need for litigation (Wilson
& DeShane, 1982). Many grandparents agree that law reform to
further rights of access to grandchildren would likely act as a deterrent
to denied access of grandchildren, thereby reducing the need for adversarial
procedures.
- In view of successful outcomes following court ordered access in the present study, it would seem necessary that further studies follow up on court-ordered visitations, evaluating ongoing relationships and identifying problems such as refusal to obey access orders. This would serve to facilitate legal and therapeutic professions in decisions regarding grandparent involvement in the mediation and legal process of divorcing families. (Atkinsons-1999)
For more Access Facts - Access Benefits Children
CANGRANDS (National Kinship Support)
R.R. 1, McArthurs Mills, Ontario K0L 2M0
Tel: 613-474-0035
E-mail: grandma@cangrands.com
courriel: demandez@cangrands.com



